Vinay Lal raises doubts about Gandhi’s status as an environmentalist but argues that Gandhi had “a profoundly ecological view of life.” I take issue with Lal’s claims and, to set the record straight, describe Gandhi’s contributions to environmental though and action. When we look at the aims of contemporary environmental spokespersons and activists, Gandhian themes are dominant. Gandhian biocentrism and Gandhi’s recommendation not to harm even nonsentient life unnecessarily are familiar in contemporary environmental thinking. Gandhian non-violence is both a technique (...) of environmental activists and, for some, one of the constituents of the world for which they struggle. Gandhi emphasized simple living, an important theme for many who are concerned about looming ecological crises. Taking a broader perspective, Gandhi criticized what we today call globalization and encouraged, in its place, the decentralization of economic activities. Gandhi’s emphasis on decentralization and local economic self-reliance led to the Chipko movement in India. Gandhi’s emphasis on small-scale economies, on self-reliant communities, and on appropriate technology paved the way for the “small is beautiful” approach. Gandhi’s recommendation that we live in self-reliant rural communities, if implemented, would significantly decrease that consumption which is causing climate change and straining the capacity of the planet. (shrink)

In this paper I describe Gandhi’s vision for a way of life that would be an essential part of any sustainable solution to worldwide problems of unemployment, societal breakdown and ecological degradation. Gandhi’s vision included a communitarian lifestyle of simplicity and non-accumulation in which agriculture would be supported by cottage industries using appropriate technologies (e.g., spinning). Assuming obligations to future generations, Gandhi’s proposal highlights the degree to which our First-World lifestyle is morally impermissible. One objection to this criticism of our (...) First-World lifestyles is that we can solve the problem of ecological degradation by exporting only appropriate technologies to the Third World and supplementing our use of consumptive technologies with technological cleanups. This suggestion is not only irresponsible and unjust, but also hopeless, for our resource consumptive standards are already the model for development worldwide. To counteract this destructive model we must begin to recreate, in the First World, sustainable lifestyles that others will want to emulate. Part of this task involves the inner work that has been a casualty of the ideologies of modernity, and Gandhi’s vision is a blueprintfor both the outer and inner work that are essential to recreate a sustainable society. (shrink)

This chapter contains section titled: The Tragedy of 9/11 Security Terrorism Foreseeable Consequences versus Actual Consequences Chauvinistic Consequentialism The Nonmilitary Context of the War against Terrorism The Invasion of Afghanistan The Invasion of Iraq An Alternative to the Invasion of Afghanistan An Alternative to the Invasion of Iraq Further Nonmilitary Steps to Stop Terrorism From Chauvinistic Consequentialism to Utilitarianism Another Foreseeable Consequence of the Invasions Haven't I Forgotten that the World is Better Off without Saddam Hussein? The Purpose of this (...) Assessment. (shrink)

Most philosophers believe that humans have far greater moral worth than nonhuman animals. This consensus position invites the following question: What characteristic or group of characteristics of human beings differentiates us from nonhuman animals so that we have greater moral worth than nonhuman animals? Philosophers have offered a number of characteristics that allegedly show human beings to be superior to nonhuman animals. At the top of the list we find thinking and the ability to be rational. Further down the list (...) we find more subtle abilities, for example, such as the ability to be self- conscious. Neither of these nor a host of other prospects provide an adequate ground for the claim of greater human worth.1 But philosophers attribute one ability to humans, or to most humans, that seems immune to the usual criticisms: the ability to be moral. In this essay I want to explore whether the ability to be moral plausibly makes humans more valuable than nonhuman animals. (shrink)

According to Utilitarian Generalization an act is right or wrong depending on what would happen if everyone were to do acts of that kind. One chief difficulty in applying UG is to determine which acts share the same relevant properties and are therefore acts of the same kind. In focusing on this problem I first examine the criteria of relevance proposed by Jonathan Harrison and by David Lyons. I show that each of their proposals is inadequate because each allows us (...) to designate as relevant some properties we noncontroversially take to be irrelevant. I next propose a criterion which not only allows us to designate as irrelevant every property that we noncontroversially take to be irrelevant, but which also expresses the underlying causal and generalization features of UG. Since the acid test of any such proposal will be its response to the highly controversial issue of whether the behavior of others is relevant for applications of UG, I turn to this important issue. (shrink)

Although organizational commitment continues to interest researchers because of its positive effects on organizations, we know relatively little about the effects of the ethical context on organizational commitment. As such, we contribute to the organizational commitment field by assessing the effects of ethical climates (Victor and Cullen, 1987, 1988) on organizational commitment. We hypothesized that an ethical climate of benevolence has a positive relationship with organizational commitment while egoistic climate is negatively related to commitment. Results supported our propositions for both (...) a benevolent climate and an egoistic climate. We also hypothesized that a principled climate is positively related to organizational commitment for professional workers but has no relationships for nonprofessional workers. Results supported this hypothesis. (shrink)

Cognitive Science, Volume 46, Issue 6, June 2022.

If F ⊆ NN is an analytic family of pairwise eventually different functions then the following strong maximality condition fails: For any countable H ⊆ NN. no member of which is covered by finitely many functions from F, there is f ∈ F such that for all h ∈ H there are infinitely many integers k such that f(k) = h(k). However if V = L then there exists a coanalytic family of pairwise eventually different functions satisfying this strong maximality (...) condition. (shrink)

C. Sturtewagen. ' Welcome Address' -- M. Lehnert. ' Practical Wisdom as a Measure of Recognition' -- A.P. Rots. ' Reclaiming Public Space: Shinto and Politics in Japan Today' -- P. Schwieger. ' Religion and Politics in Pre-Modern Tibet' -- E. Francis. ' Une autre conception de la royauté: de deux dynasties hindoues du sud de l'Inde' -- C.K. Neumann. ' Ḳadīmden: A Notion of Truth Turning into Legal Claims in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire' -- B. Martel-Thoumian. ' Itinéraires (...) chiites: pouvoir politique et religion dans le Dār al-islām médiéval' -- B. Dessein. 'Conclusions'. (shrink)

On May the 3rd, 2002, the European Centre for Ethics held the Politeia Conference in the Palace of the Royal Academy in Brussels. The conference title was The Rise of Lifestyle Politics and its Consequences for Liberty. In this issue we present the lectures delivered during this conference.The Politeia Conference intends to familiarize a broad public with innovative ideas to stimulate dialogue about the future of our society. Held every two years, the Politeia Conference invites internationally renowned academics with inspiring (...) views about social and political events.The conference is an interdisciplinary initiative. The conference enjoyed the support of the Royal Flemish Academy of Belgium for Arts and Science. It was a joint inter-university event, with the participation of K.U.Leuven, V.U.Brussels, the University of Ghent and the University of Antwerp.Until recently, political ideology provided a broad context of meaning and united a large group of people who strived for the same social ideals. The communication between the leadership of a political party and the grass-roots members went by way of local party representatives, and the voter's ballot was a sign of trust in the ability of the party leadership to translate their ideas into concrete political decisions.Now it seems that the traditional ideology-based political movements are a thing of the past. Their role and influence is in decline, while the importance of communication through the mass media has increased dramatically. Politicians are finding it necessary to show their faces on television.The efforts they make in diligently following certain issues turn out to be less 'rewarding' than submitting noteworthy legislative proposals, making audacious pronouncements, or participating in talk shows or demonstrations. What appeals nowadays to the reader or viewer — i.e., the voter — is not in the first place a specific message or a powerful argument.The focus now is on the politician as an individual, the lifestyle he personifies, and whether or not he is a smooth talker. In such an environment, political communication has a great deal in common with advertising. But when the majority of citizens entertain themselves with media spectacles and exhibit little interest in substantive arguments about decisions made at an increasingly abstract and global level, then political power withdraws from the eye of public opinion.A potentially troubling development that goes together with the waning influence of traditional political ideologies is the shift towards a more meritocratic society. The highest aspiration of a society driven by economic growth is not the general welfare or service to the community, but personal success.People are not judged on the basis of their loyalty and commitment to their organization, but on their individual achievements and belongings. However, a growing number of citizens feel they are unable to attain the kind of achievements and obtain the belongings that command respect today. This feeling of powerlessness has less to do with intellectual baggage or material considerations than with a lack of social recognition for their accomplishments.This malaise is particularly acute among those working in sectors where the emphasis is on the general public welfare and where career rewards are relatively meagre: education, health care and various other public services. Identification with the dominant political culture is also problematic among immigrants, who tend to work in low-prestige jobs and bear the stigma of a foreign origin.For these reasons, a growing number of people are distancing themselves from 'official' culture and taking refuge in the virtual enclaves of various mass media where a carefully cultivated house style ensures an attractive forum for a specific target group.A network or a newspaper that aims at a clearly definable segment of the population is an excellent medium for targeted advertising. Moreover, the creation of an atmosphere in which viewers, listeners and readers all feel at home benefits customer relations. Just as in real enclaves, the creation of a virtual enclave with an 'us versus them' presupposes a pressure to conform.Someone who does not meet the implicit expectations that are cultivated within a particular medium is denied access to the medium. Anything ugly, strange or out of the ordinary is held up to ridicule or indignation. The authority of a house style applies not only to the choice of fictional content, but also to the sort of news that is reported. News of crime and scandal is much better at strengthening the virtual solidarity of the group of insiders than abstract information concerned with the well-being of the actual society or world community.A virtual group gives the viewer, listener or reader a feeling of security, but it also undoubtedly contributes to a provincialism characterized by suspicion of everything complex, new or foreign. People who are susceptible to taking refuge in a virtual enclave are often the same people who feel attracted to political parties who favour a mono-ethnic enclave.In any case, there exists a demonstrable connection between the amount of television a person watches, a preference for commercial networks, soaps and game shows, on the one hand, and the choice of authoritarian leadership and xenophobia, on the other. This is a worrying state of affairs, in particular given the recent electoral success of anti-democratic parties in Europe.In order to resist anti-democratic feelings, we clearly need another sort of politics than 'lifestyle politics'. One aim of the Politeia Conference was to ask whether the decline of traditional ideology-based politics is an irreversible fact in light of the impact of the free market on the aspirations of citizens. Or is it possible to keep politics and the media out of the purely economic sphere, to create zones for real political debate and ethically inspired journalism? In this issue you will find some responses to these questions. (shrink)

Politicians attach great importance to the way in which they are portrayed in the media. Word choice and timing are carefully weighed. Corporations, social institutions and public services often appeal to communications experts. Under the motto `better communication', advertising agencies promote not only consumer goods but also ideas, lifestyles, beliefs and even blunders.At precisely the same moment, social scientists and philosophers are reaching an agreement that moral beliefs and social objectives are purified and legitimated when they are the object of (...) a wide-ranging dialogue. Views and ideals cannot simply be derived from individual reflections, abstract theories or tradition. Whoever wants to discover which social principles are legitimate and respectable must take part in the discussion about concrete social choices with all parties concerned.These tendencies are in conflict with each other. On the one hand, it is to be hoped that public opinion acquires a critical sense on the basis of fair social debates in which the various facets of prevailing social problems can be carefully examined. On the other hand, there is a fear that the slick, mediagenic style used by public relations experts leads more often to blindness than insight. The media play an important role in this game of power.In selecting news items and in their method of presenting these items, the media create metaphors, images and stereotypes that guide our perception of social reality. Their guiding motives in this are not selfless. In their competitive commercial atmosphere, a broad interest is essential.Around that subject the European Centre for Ethics organized the biannual Politeia Conference on “Modern Media and Social Dialogue”. The conference was well attended, and its strong international focus was reflected in the presence of speakers, workshop presenters and conference participants from throughout Europe as well as from across the Atlantic. Major speakers were: Zygmunt Bauman, Elihu Katz, Johan Galtung, Serge Moscovici, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, Stephen K. White, Harry Kunneman, Gilles Lipovetsky, and Clifford Christians. The central question dealt with by this conference was how the media can make a contribution, in the present context, to a high-quality social dialogue. (shrink)

It seems remarkable that several philosophers in the Reformed tradition have recently interacted with social practice theory without interacting with each other. This gave rise to the question as to whether they interact differently or similarly with social practice theory and to what extent Reformed philosophy might benefit from such an interaction. In this article, therefore, we aim to clear the way by addressing three strands in Reformed philosophy, namely, Nicholas Wolterstorff, the normative practice approach, and James K. A. Smith. (...) We explore why they use social practice theory, what they do with it, and how they make it their own. Finally, we highlight what unites them and what divides them, and conclude with suggestions as to how they might benefit from each other’s work in social practice theory. (shrink)

Bart Pattyn: Needless to say, we are more than pleased with the willingness of Michael Walzer to be here in Leuven. After the stimulating lecture yesterday we now have the opportunity to pose some questions to Michael Walzer in the same room where we talked with his friend, Harry Frankfurt, as well as with Bernard Williams. I have asked Professor Selling to moderate this discussion which I am sure he will do with a firm hand.Joseph Selling: We have two (...) papers which Prof. Walzer, and many of you, have read in advance. Perhaps we can take the questions from the authors of those papers and then take other questions. (shrink)

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the concept of marginal consequences of a group moral action. The situations in which a group action is taken are studied and classified. The assumption that the agents of a group action are similarly (or symmetrically) situated is clearly specified and emphasized. Then a probabilistic approach is used to determine the marginal consequences of a group action. It is shown that the refutation of utilitarian generalization by Bart Gruzalski is unjustified (...) because of his misinterpretation of marginal consequences. Finally the delicate situations of maximizing and minimizing conditions are analyzed. It is concluded that if the probability of participation p is not known, then the contributory consequences approach is the only approach that can be used. If the probability of participation p is known or can be estimated, then the use of the marginal consequences approach seems to be justified and preferable. (shrink)

Unbelievable Errors defends an error theory about all normative judgements: not just moral judgements, but also judgements about reasons for action, judgements about reasons for belief, and instrumental normative judgements. This theory states that normative judgements are beliefs that ascribe normative properties, but that normative properties do not exist. It therefore entails that all normative judgements are false. -/- Bart Streumer also argues, however, that we cannot believe this error theory. This may seem to be a problem for the (...) theory. But he argues that it makes this error theory more likely to be true, since it undermines objections to the theory and it makes it harder to reject the arguments for the theory. -/- He then sketches how certain other philosophical theories can be defended in a similar way. He concludes that to make philosophical progress, we need to make a sharp distinction between a theory's truth and our ability to believe it. (shrink)

Gricean pragmatics. Saying vs. implicating ; Discourse and cooperation ; Conversational implicatures ; Generalised vs. particularised ; Cancellability ; Gricean reasoning and the pragmatics of what is said -- The standard recipe for Q-implicatures. The standard recipe ; Inference to the best explanation ; Weak implicatures and competence ; Relevance ; Conclusion -- Scalar implicatures. Horn scales and the generative view ; Implicatures and downward entailing environments ; Disjunction : exclusivity and ignorance ; Conclusion -- Psychological plausibility. Charges of psychological (...) inadequacy ; Logical complexity ; Abduction ; Incremental processing ; The intentional stance ; Alternatives ; Conclusion -- Nonce inference or defaults?. True defaults ; Strong defaultism ; Weak defaultism ; Contextualism ; Conclusion -- Intentions, alternatives, and free choice. Free choice ; Problems with the standard recipe ; Intentions first ; Free choice explained ; Comparing alternatives ; Two flavours of Q-implicature ; Conclusion -- Embedded implicatures : the problems. The problems ; Varieties of conventionalism ; Against conventionalism ; Conclusion -- Embedded implicatures : a Gricean approach. Disjunction ; Belief reports ; Factives and other presupposition inducers ; Indefinites ; Contrastive construals and lexical pragmatics ; Conclusion. (shrink)

In this volume, Geurts takes discourse representation theory (DRT), and turns it into a unified account of anaphora and presupposition, which he applies not only to the standard problem cases but also to the interpretation of modal expressions, attitude reports, and proper names. The resulting theory, for all its simplicity, is without doubt the most comprehensive of its kind to date. The central idea underlying Geurts' 'binding theory' of presupposition is that anaphora is just a special case of presupposition projection. (...) But this is only one of the ways in which the concept of presupposition is taken beyond its traditional limits. Geurts shows, furthermore, that presupposition projection is crucially involved in several phenomena that are not usually viewed in presuppositional terms, such as modal subordination, de re readings of attitude reports, and rigid designation. While making his case for DRT and the binding theory, Geurts also presents an incisive analysis of what is probably still the most influential account of presupposition, viz. the satisfaction theory, demonstrating that there are fundamental problems not only with this theory but with the very framework in which it is couched. (shrink)

According to the error theory, normative judgements are beliefs that ascribe normative properties, even though such properties do not exist. In this paper, I argue that we cannot believe the error theory, and that this means that there is no reason for us to believe this theory. It may be thought that this is a problem for the error theory, but I argue that it is not. Instead, I argue, our inability to believe the error theory undermines many objections that (...) have been made to this theory. (shrink)

This is an attempt at reviving Kneale's version of the description theory of names, which says that a proper name is synonymous with a definite description of the form ‘the individual named so-and-so’. To begin with, I adduce a wide range of observations to show that names and overt definites are alike in all relevant respects. I then turn to Kripke's main objection against Kneale's proposal, and endeavour to refute it. In the remainder of the paper I elaborate on Kneale's (...) analysis, adopting a theory of presupposition proposed by van der Sandt. (shrink)

Many philosophers claim that it cannot be the case that a person ought to perform an action if this person cannot perform this action. However, most of these philosophers do not give arguments for the truth of this claim. In this paper, I argue that it is plausible to interpret this claim in such a way that it is entailed by the claim that there cannot be a reason for a person to perform an action if it is impossible that (...) this person will perform this action. I then give three arguments for the truth of the latter claim, which are also arguments for the truth of the former claim as I interpret it. (shrink)

Health-promoting nudges have been put into practice by different agents, in different contexts and with different aims. This article formulates a set of criteria that enables a thorough ethical evaluation of such nudges. As such, it bridges the gap between the abstract, theoretical debates among academics and the actual behavioral interventions being implemented in practice. The criteria are derived from arguments against nudges, which allegedly disrespect nudgees, as these would impose values on nudgees and/or violate their rationality and autonomy. Instead (...) of interpreting these objections as knock-down arguments, I take them as expressing legitimate worries that can often be addressed. I analyze six prototypical nudge cases, such as Google’s rearrangement of fridges and the use of defaults in organ donation registration. I show how the ethical criteria listed are satisfied by most—but not all—nudges in most—but not all—circumstances. (shrink)

One of the most pervasive criticisms of nudges has been the claim that they violate, undermine or decrease people’s autonomy. This claim, however, is seldom backed up by an explicit and detailed conception of autonomy. In this paper, we aim to do three things. First, we want to clear up some conceptual confusion by distinguishing the different conceptions used by Cass Sunstein and his critics in order to get clear on how they conceive of autonomy. Second, we want to add (...) to the existing discussion by distinguishing between ‘autonomy’ as the ability to set your own ends and ‘autocracy’ as the ability to actually realize those ends. This will allow for a more careful ethical evaluation of specific nudge interventions. Third, we will introduce the idea of ‘perimeters of autonomy’ in an attempt to provide a realistic account of personal autonomy and we will argue that it can alleviate most of the worries about nudging being autonomy-undermining. (shrink)

A colorful history of utilitarianism told through the lives and ideas of Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill, and its other founders In The Happiness Philosophers, Bart Schultz tells the colorful story of the lives and legacies of the founders of utilitarianism—one of the most influential yet misunderstood and maligned philosophies of the past two centuries. Best known for arguing that "it is the greatest happiness of the greatest number that is the measure of right and wrong," utilitarianism was developed (...) by the radical philosophers, critics, and social reformers William Godwin, Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart and Harriet Taylor Mill, and Henry Sidgwick. Together, they had a profound influence on nineteenth-century reforms, in areas ranging from law, politics, and economics to morals, education, and women's rights. Their work transformed life in ways we take for granted today. Bentham even advocated the decriminalization of same-sex acts, decades before the cause was taken up by other activists. As Bertrand Russell wrote about Bentham in the late 1920s, "There can be no doubt that nine-tenths of the people living in England in the latter part of last century were happier than they would have been if he had never lived." Yet in part because of its misleading name and the caricatures popularized by figures as varied as Dickens, Marx, and Foucault, utilitarianism is sometimes still dismissed as cold, calculating, inhuman, and simplistic. By revealing the fascinating human sides of the remarkable pioneers of utilitarianism, The Happiness Philosophers provides a richer understanding and appreciation of their philosophical and political perspectives—one that also helps explain why utilitarianism is experiencing a renaissance today and is again being used to tackle some of the world's most serious problems. (shrink)